News and musings from a dedicated supporter of Senator Russ Feingold in Centre County, PA. Please note that this blog is NOT in any way affiliated with Senator Feingold, his staff or the Progressive Patriots Fund. The opinions expressed are strictly my own!

Wednesday, November 08, 2006


Democrats are celebrating in Washington tonight! Nancy Pelosi (soon-to-be Speaker of the House, who will be the first woman in U.S. History to be two heartbeats away from the presidency) celebrates with Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid, who may also experience a change of title!

Dems have won the House tonight, and still have a shot at the Senate, as Jon Tester and Claire McCaskill lead in Montanna and Missouri, respectively, and Jim Webb celebrates a VERY narrow victory in VA, which will almost certainly be subject to a recount (George Allen may ask for one, under Virginia law).

While it may be days or weeks before we know who runs the Senate, the balance of power in Washington changed tonight, in a big way, and Americans showed the world that we disapprove of the arrogant Republican regime which has done so much harm to our country and the world.

As of this hour (1:29am Nov 8), Dems lead in MI & MO, and have won in VA. For CNN senate election results, click here.

Thursday, October 19, 2006

Madison Magazine names

U.S. Senator Russ Feingold 2006 “Person of the Year”

Madison, WI – Back in 1992, an underdog state senator scrawled campaign promises on the garage door of his Middleton home: If elected to the United States Senate, Russ Feingold would hold one “listening session” a year in each of Wisconsin’s seventy-two counties.

Fast-forward the story to a three-term U.S. senator, a national figure carved out of bipartisan efforts on campaign finance reform, and to another promise: a decision on whether to run for president. If he does, some say his Clinton-esque intellect and outspoken Washington outsider persona might derail the Hillary bandwagon. Others say neither the man nor the message will resonate outside the Dairy State. Either way, Wisconsinites are all ears.

And so is Madison Magazine, which names Feingold “Person of the Year” in its November issue. “Because even if you don’t like what Russ Feingold stands for,” writes award-winning journalist Frank Bures, “you have to admit that he doesn’t sway like the grassland that is the rest of the Democratic field.”

Editor Brennan Nardi says she and editorial director Neil Heinen have had their eyes on Feingold for the honor since 2005, when he became the first senator of either party to call for troop withdrawal in Iraq. “It’s really a culmination of an exciting decision for Madison and Wisconsin on whether he’ll run for president, his independent stands on extremely important and often divisive issues, and his continued commitment to travel around the state to listen to what people have to say about them.”

In 2002, Madison Magazine named former state senate majority leader Chuck Chvala as its person of the year as an example of the type of politician whose personal and party gains were more important than the citizens and the issues. Chvala was convicted and served time for misconduct in office. With Feingold, “what you see is what you get,” writes Heinen in his November magazine column. “Feingold has found a comfort zone in thinking through an issue, formulating a position, and sticking to it.”

“Where some politicians won’t say it unless they can find five other colleagues to join them at a press conference, Feingold just says it,” says WisPolitics’ Jeff Mayers, who was interviewed for the article.

The magazine began naming a person of the year in 1998. In addition to Chvala, honorees have included Jerry Frautschi (Overture Center for the Arts), Sue Ann Thompson (women’s health and education), Jamie Thomson (stem cell pioneer), and Kathleen Falk (fiscally and environmentally responsible leadership). Last year the magazine named two persons of the year, Irwin and Robert Goodman, for the brothers’ lifetime of community service and philanthropy, most recently the donation that made the city’s first pool a reality.

Wednesday, October 04, 2006

Feingold Tough on Terrorism

Russ Feingold believes that we have allowed the Taliban in Afghanistan to become stronger by mistakenly focusing our resources in Iraq. Read about the senator's nuanced view of the struggle against terroism here.

Thursday, September 28, 2006

Crucial "Torture" Vote Today!

Legislation before the Senate today would ban torture, but allow President Bush to define what torture means. It is essential to fight this legislation with everything we've got. Russ Feingold opposes it, as does PA Senator Arlen Specter (if you're from PA, ask Specter to filibuster NOW!) Senator Feingold explains, in a statement issued today on his Senate Website:

Statement of U.S. Senator Russ Feingold
In Opposition of the Military Commissions Act

As prepared for delivery from the Senate floor

September 28, 2006

Listen to Senator Feingold's statement.

Mr. President, I oppose the Military Commissions Act.

Let me be clear: I welcome efforts to bring terrorists to justice. It is about time. This Administration has too long been distracted by the war in Iraq from the fight against al Qaeda. We need a renewed focus on the terrorist networks that present the greatest threat to this country.

But Mr. President, we wouldn’t be where we are today, five years after September 11 with not a single Guantanamo Bay detainee having been brought to trial, if the President had come to Congress in the first place, rather than unilaterally creating military commissions that didn’t comply with the law. The President wanted to act on his own, and he dared the Supreme Court to stop him. And he lost. The Hamdan decision was an historic rebuke to an Administration that has acted for years as if it were above the law.

Finally, only because he was essentially ordered to do so by the Supreme Court, the President has agreed to consult with Congress. I would have hoped that we would take this opportunity to pass legislation that allows us to proceed in accordance with our laws and our values. That is what separates America from our enemies. These trials, conducted appropriately, have the potential to demonstrate to the world that our democratic, constitutional system of government is our greatest strength in fighting those who attacked us.

And that is why I am saddened that I must oppose this legislation. Because, Mr. President, the trials conducted under this legislation will send a very different signal to the world, one that I fear will put our own troops and personnel in jeopardy both now and in future conflicts. To take just a few examples, this legislation would permit an individual to be convicted on the basis of coerced testimony and hearsay, would not allow full judicial review of the conviction, and yet would allow someone convicted under these rules to be put to death. That is simply unacceptable. We would not stand for another country to try our citizens under those rules, and we should not stand for our own government to do so, either.

Not only that, this legislation would deny detainees at Guantanamo Bay and elsewhere—people who have been held for years but have not been tried or even charged with any crime—the ability to challenge their detention in court. Among its many flaws, this is the most troubling—that the legislation seeks to suspend the Great Writ of habeas corpus.

The legislation before us is better than that originally proposed by the President, which would have largely codified the procedures the Supreme Court has already rejected. And that is thanks to the efforts of some of my Republican colleagues for whom I have great respect and admiration.

But this bill remains deeply flawed, and I cannot support it.

One of the most disturbing provisions of this bill eliminates the right of habeas corpus for those detained as enemy combatants. I support an amendment by Senator Specter to strike that provision from the bill. I ask unanimous consent that my separate statement on that amendment be put in the record at the appropriate point.

Habeas corpus is a fundamental recognition that in America, the government does not have the power to detain people indefinitely and arbitrarily. And that in America, the courts must have the power to review the legality of executive detention decisions.

Habeas corpus is a longstanding vital part of our American tradition, and is enshrined in the U.S. Constitution.

As a group of retired judges wrote to Congress, habeas corpus “safeguards the most hallowed judicial role in our constitutional democracy – ensuring that no man is imprisoned unlawfully.”

Mr. President, this bill would fundamentally alter that historical equation. Faced with an executive branch that has detained hundreds of people without trial for years now, it would eliminate the right of habeas corpus.

Under this legislation, some individuals, at the designation of the executive branch alone, could be picked up, even in the United States, and held indefinitely without trial and without any access whatsoever to the courts. They would not be able to call upon the laws of our great nation to challenge their detention because they would have been put outside the reach of the law.

Mr. President, that is unacceptable, and it almost surely violates our Constitution. But that determination will take years of protracted litigation.

Mr. President, why would we turn our back on hundreds of years of history and our nation’s commitment to liberty -- particularly when there is no good reason to do so? We should be working to provide a lawful system of military commissions so that those who have committed war crimes can be brought to justice. We can do that quite well without denying one of the most basic rights guaranteed by the Constitution to those held in custody by our government.

Some have suggested that terrorists who take up arms against this country should not be allowed to challenge their detention in court. But that argument is circular – the writ of habeas allows those who might be mistakenly detained to challenge their detention in court, before a neutral decision-maker. The alternative is to allow people to be detained indefinitely with no ability to argue that they are not, in fact, enemy combatants. Unless any of my colleagues can say with absolute certainty that everyone detained as an enemy combatant was correctly detained – and there is ample evidence to suggest that is not the case – then we should make sure that people can’t simply be locked up forever, without court review, based on someone slapping a “terrorist” label on them.

There is another reason why we must not deprive detainees of habeas corpus, and that is the fact that the American system of government is supposed to set an example for the world, as a beacon of democracy. And this provision will only serve to harm others’ perception of our system of government.

Mr. President, a group of retired diplomats sent a very moving letter explaining their concerns about this habeas-stripping provision. Here is what they said: “To proclaim democratic government to the rest of the world as the supreme form of government at the very moment we eliminate the most important avenue of relief from arbitrary governmental detention will not serve our interests in the larger world.”

Many, many dedicated patriotic Americans share these grave reservations about this particular provision of the bill.

They have reservations not because they sympathize with suspected terrorists. Not because they are soft on national security. Not because they don’t understand the threat we face. No. They, and we in the Senate who support the Specter amendment, are concerned about this provision because we care about the Constitution, because we care about the image that American presents to the world as we fight the terrorists. Because we know that the writ of habeas corpus provides one of the most significant protections of human freedom against arbitrary government action ever created. If we sacrifice it here, we will head down a road that history will judge harshly and our descendants will regret.

Mr. President, we must not imperil our proud history. We must not abandon the Great Writ. We must not jeopardize our nation’s proud traditions and principles by suspending the writ of habeas corpus, and permitting our government to pick people up off the street, even in U.S. cities, and detain them indefinitely without court review. That is not what America is about.

Unfortunately, the suspension of the Great Writ is not the only problem with this legislation, nor is it the only instance where the legislation goes beyond establishing military commissions to include unnecessary provisions with deeply troubling results.

The Administration has spoken about the need for this legislation to bring clarity to the War Crimes Act, which makes it a crime to violate Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions. It has proposed that we specifically list the actions that would be considered crimes under that law. On the face of it, that certainly sounds sensible. But when you look at this legislation, you realize that the modification it makes only muddies the waters. Not only that, it does so retroactively.

The key problem is in the definition of “cruel or inhuman” treatment. This is a critical definition because it is the provision that determines which coercive interrogation techniques amount to crimes under U.S. law. But because of the complex structure of this section, it is very difficult to understand what the new definition would criminalize, and I am concerned that any ambiguity may be interpreted too narrowly by some. The definition incorporates several terms that in turn have their own separate definitions, and it even has one new definition that doesn’t go into effect until the date of enactment, even though the rest of the amendments to the War Crimes Act are made retroactive to 1997. Frankly, Mr. President, the new prohibition is extremely unclear. And we have already heard different interpretations of it from Senators and Administration officials who negotiated the language. If our goal is to give unambiguous guidance to our personnel, and the courts, this does not do it.

The way the provision is drafted, it even seems designed to grant immunity to senior officials who authorized coercive interrogation techniques.

Mr. President, we should just follow the approach originally endorsed by the Senate Armed Services Committee, which would have applied the language of the McCain amendment.

Mr. President, I am also very concerned about the definition of unlawful enemy combatant that is included in this legislation, and about the corresponding issue of the jurisdiction of the military commissions.

Mr. President, this legislation has been justified as necessary to allow our government to prosecute Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and other dangerous men recently transferred to Guantanamo Bay. Yet if you look at the fine print of this legislation, it becomes clear that it is much, much broader than that. It would permit trial by military commission not just for those accused of serious terrorist crimes, but also individuals, including legal permanent residents of this country, who are alleged to have “purposefully and materially supported hostilities” against the United States or its allies.

This is extremely broad, and key terms go undefined. And by including hostilities not only against the United States but also against its allies, the bill allows the U.S. to hold and try by military commission individuals who have never engaged, directly or indirectly, in any action against the United States.

Not only that, but the bill would also define as an unlawful enemy combatant subject to trial by military commission, anyone who “has been determined to be an unlawful enemy combatant by a Combatant Status Review Tribunal or another competent tribunal established under the authority of the President or the Secretary of Defense.” This essentially grants a blank check to the executive branch to decide entirely on its own who can be tried by military commission.

If we are going to establish military commissions outside of our traditional military and civilian justice systems, at a minimum we should explicitly limit their application to the worst of the worst, those who pose a serious threat to our country. We shouldn’t leave it up to just one branch of government to make these incredibly important decisions.

Mr. President, the bulk of this legislation concerns the structure and process of military commissions. Although we heard from many witnesses at congressional hearings this summer that we should hew as closely as possible to the long-established military system of justice, this bill instead essentially starts from scratch and creates a whole new structure. It does so despite Justice Kennedy’s wise advice in his concurrence in Hamdan, where he said: “The Constitution is best preserved by reliance on standards tested over time and insulated from the pressures of the moment.”

For example, this legislation creates a presumption for the admissibility of hearsay evidence. Now, it is true that because of the exigencies of war and active combat situations, hearsay rules may need to be structured differently than they are in our criminal courts, but the rules laid out in the UCMJ are drafted to handle these same exigencies. While there may need to be some adjustments to the UCMJ hearsay rules, we need not discard them altogether.

The presumption against hearsay is a fundamental protection built into our existing legal structures to ensure that proceedings yield a just and fair result. Yet in this provision and elsewhere, the legislation erodes such protections—going far beyond what is allowed in the military system—and without justification.

Even more disturbing is that the bill appears to permit individuals to be convicted, and even sentenced to death, on the basis of coerced testimony. According to the legislation, statements obtained through cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment, as long as it was obtained prior to December 2005 when the McCain amendment become law, would apparently be admissible in many instances in these military commissions.

Now, it is true that the bill would require the commission to find these statements have sufficient reliability and probative value. But why would we go down this road of trying to convict people based on statements obtained through cruel, inhuman, or degrading interrogation techniques? Either we are a nation that stands against this type of cruelty and for the rule of law, or we are not. We can’t have it both ways.

The idea that coerced statements can be used as long as they were obtained long enough ago is appalling. It seems to assume that there was a lack of clarity in the law prior to December 2005. In fact, there was great clarity, until this Administration decided to invent a narrow definition of torture that had never been used or accepted anywhere in the civilized world. The McCain amendment was needed to get this Administration to return to the law. It was a repudiation of the legal theories of the infamous Bybee memo, which the Administration even said it was withdrawing once it was publicly revealed. Its enactment should not now be used as a dividing point before which evidence obtained through cruel and inhuman treatment can be used in court.

At times of great adversity, the strength of a nation’s convictions is tested and its true character revealed. If we sacrifice or qualify our principles in the face of the tremendous challenge we face from terrorists who want to destroy America, we will be making a terrible mistake. If we cloak cruel or degrading interrogations done in the name of American safety with euphemisms like “alternative techniques,” if we create arbitrary dates for when differing degrees of morality will apply, we will have betrayed our principles and ourselves.

Statements obtained through such techniques should not be admissible, even against the most vicious killers in the world, in proceedings held by the government of the United States of America. Period.

Mr. President, in sum, this legislation is very troubling and in many respects legally suspect. I fear the end result of this legislation will only be more delay. It will surely be subject to further legal challenge, and may squander another four or five years while cases work their way through the courts again.

We can and must fight terrorism aggressively without compromising fundamental American values. We must remember what the Army Judge Advocate General told me at a Judiciary Committee hearing this summer: that the United States should set an example for the world, and that we must carefully consider the effect on the way our own soldiers will be treated.

Mr. President, in closing let me do something I don’t do very often – and that is quote John Ashcroft. According to the New York Times, at a private meeting of high-level officials in 2003 about the military commission structure, then-Attorney General Ashcroft said: “Timothy McVeigh was one of the worst killers in U.S. history. But at least we had fair procedures for him.” How sad that this Congress would seek to pass legislation about which the same cannot be said.

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Monday, August 21, 2006


This is a MUST SEE video from MSNBC - a chronolgy of the Bush Adminstration's use of annoucements of terror plots & threats for political cover and gain. Watch it here.

Friday, August 18, 2006

Russ' Listening Session

To read the transcript of the most recent online listening session (online chat) with Russ Feingold, click here. You'll notice that the 2nd question is from "Kristine in Pennsylvania". Yep, that would be me. :)

Senator Feingold has been doing "listening sessions"in every county in Wisconsin every year during his tenure as senator. Now he's doing them online, and nationwide. If you'd like to participate in the next one, sign-up on the Progressive Patriot Fund Website (the link is to the left, on this page). The photo above is Russ' rousing speech from the Take Back America conference in DC in on June 14.


Wow, this man just says EVERYTHING you wish a Democrat would say to the Bush admin!! This appearance on "THIS WEEK" is a must see!

You go, Russ!!!! :)

Court Protects Constitution

Russ Fengold issued the following statement after yesterday's court decision against the President for illegaly spying on Americans:

“Today’s district court ruling is a strong rebuke of this administration’s illegal wiretapping program. The President must return to the Constitution and follow the statutes passed by Congress. We all want our government to monitor suspected terrorists, but there is no reason for it to break the law to do so. The administration went too far with the NSA’s warrantless wiretapping program. Today’s federal court decision is an important step toward checking the President’s power grab.”

Thursday, August 10, 2006

Feingold Online Listening Session Tomorrow!

There's an online chat with Senator Russ Feingold TOMORROW, Friday, April 11th, 1:00pm central/2:00pm Eastern time. To sign up and participate, visit The Progressive Patriot's Fund (click here).

Senator Feingold has a new health care initiative that he's going to introduce in the Senate. It's the subject of his latest podcast, which you can watch by clicking here.